Rapprochement: 1971-1979
From 1971 to 1979, the United States and China initiated a historic phase of rapprochement, marking a significant shift in their bilateral relations. This period was defined by efforts to normalize diplomatic ties and mutual cooperation, following years of mutual suspicion and limited diplomatic engagement.
1950s-1960s
The relationship between the People's Republic of China and the Soviet Union begin to deteriorate slowly following Khrushchev's de-Stalinization of the USSR along with the promotion of revisionist policies (of which included peaceful coexistence with the Western bloc). Gradually arising through China and the USSR’s diverging ideological standpoints along with disagreements on the application of Marxism-Leninism onto a broader sphere, the Sino Soviet split played a major role in engaging the U.S.-China relationship.
The Chinese government's insistence on maintaining revolutionary fervor and pursuing an aggressive foreign policy contrasted sharply with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev's focus on peaceful coexistence and economic development. These ideological divergences were further exacerbated by nationalistic ambitions and territorial disputes such as the mass migration of Uyghurs and Kazakhs to the USSR along with the seven month-long Sino-Soviet border conflict in 1969 with its origins dating back to the demarcation line imposed by unequal treaties in the 19th century.
The launch of Sputnik in 1957 exacerbated tensions between the Soviet Union and China, unraveling their previously cooperative relationship. The Soviet Union had supported China during the Korean War and the early stages of its Five-Year Plan, but by 1956, rifts emerged. Mao Zedong criticized Khrushchev’s denouncement of Stalin and rejected the concept of "peaceful coexistence," which Mao viewed as a form of ideological decay. Mao's radical policies, such as the "Great Leap Forward," led to severe economic disruptions and widespread famine, further straining Soviet-Chinese relations. The success of Sputnik, which China saw as a symbol of Soviet technological supremacy, intensified Mao’s demands for Soviet support in global revolutionary movements and for nuclear technology. The USSR’s refusal to share advanced technology and its lack of support during China’s conflicts with Taiwan and India aggravated the situation.
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Evidently, the Sino-Soviet split had significant geopolitical repercussions: as the relationship with the Soviet Union deteriorated, China sought to realign its position on the global stage. The rift with the USSR led China to explore rapprochement with the United States, seeking to leverage improved relations with Washington as a counterbalance to Soviet influence. This shift was evident in the 1970s, culminating in President Richard Nixon’s visit to China in 1972, which marked the beginning of a new strategic alignment. Thus, the Sino-Soviet split not only reshaped the Cold War dynamics but also facilitated China’s strategic pivot towards improving relations with the United States, altering the balance of global power.
February 21-28; 1972
On the morning of February 21, U.S. president Richard Nixon lands in the People’s Republic of China, the first American president in history to do so. Described at the time as “the week that changed the world”, Nixon’s visit to China brought about a significant shift in the U.S.-China relationship. While not pursuing formal diplomatic policies yet, Nixon's visit nevertheless marked the first sign of engagement between both nations since the proclamation of the People's Republic of China 23 years earlier.
Why did both nations pursue policies of rapprochement and engagement following the frenzy and lack of contact after the Korean War? For China, several factors included increased hostility towards the USSR following the Sino-Soviet split that began in 1960 (which, in brief, resulted from ideological divergence as the nations interpreted communism differently), increased self-confidence, along with reduced concerns about the United States becoming a significant military threat to China. (the steady withdrawal of American troops from Vietnam during Nixon's presidency eased China's perceived concerns about a US-led attack on China). In addition, China's "Era of Humiliation" which peaked during the Second World War, along with the easing of revolutionary fervor, slowly lessened contempt stemming from past experiences with the United States and the broader west as the years went by. As researcher William Overholt stated, "Revolution fanaticism had given way to more moderate and institutionalized policies", allowing for the gradual reintroduction of China into a larger, international stage" (Overholt 708). For the United States, forming closer ties with China was a part of a larger strategy to counter Soviet influence, as well as open negotiations to facilitate the end of war in Vietnam. Simply put, Nixon's approach towards rapprochement with China revolved around the principle of "the enemy of my enemy is my friend", hoping to gain leverage over the USSR as Sino-Soviet relations progressively worsened.
"(The United States) must cultivate China during the next few decades while it is still learning to develop its national strength and potential. Otherwise, we will one day be confronted with the most formidable enemy that has ever existed in the history of the world.”
- U.S. President Richard Nixon
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"At the present time it has become a strong desire of the Chinese and American peoples to promote the normalization of relations between the two countries and work for the relaxation of tension...We are confident that the day will surely come when this common desire of our two peoples will be realized."
- Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai
During this eight-day visit, President Nixon travelled through the cities of Beijing, Hangzhou, and Shanghai, meeting with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. While the visit had indeed signified the United State's improving relations with China to the Soviet Union and the wider world, Nixon and Kissinger made little to no progress in securing cooperation to end the Vietnam War, nor addressed the formal status of Taiwan. Though, Nixon's announcement of thawing relations with China did reciprocate a swift response from the USSR: fear of improved relations with China played a large role in Nixon's invitation to the USSR by Soviet Premier Leonid Brezhnev. The lasting significance of this action is seen in the signing of two major treaties—a strategic arms limitation treaty and an anti-ballistic missile treaty—pertaining to the control of nuclear arms in both countries.
During the conclusion of the trip, the U.S. government and the PRC would sign the historic Shanghai Communiqué in which both nations agreed "normalization towards relations between China and the United States is in the interests of all countries", "both wish to reduce the danger of international military conflict", and "neither should seek hegemony in the Asia–Pacific region..." (U.S. Department of State, Embassy of the People's Republic of China in the United States of America).
January 1, 1979
The United States of America recognizes the Government of the People's Republic of China as the sole legal Government of China. Through this action outlined in the U.S.-China Joint Communique, the United States established formal diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China. On the same day, the United States terminated diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (ROC).
The formal recognition of the People's Republic of China (PRC) by the United States on January 1, 1979, was a strategic realignment that acknowledged the shifting geopolitical landscape. By recognizing the PRC as the sole legitimate government of China, the U.S. adjusted its international stance to reflect the political realities of the time. This move also entailed severing diplomatic ties with the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan, signaling a significant shift in U.S. foreign policy. The Joint Communique not only marked the establishment of formal relations with the PRC but also represented a strategic pivot that reshaped U.S.-China interactions. This shift laid the groundwork for a complex relationship characterized by both cooperation and tension, influencing global diplomacy and setting the stage for future engagements between the two nations.
